So if I undertake to carry out my ideas and to run counter to its ideas, I shall not have the majority, and if I do not, I cannot be His Majesty's Minister.
-- Just imagine that you are so, and that consequently the majority is not opposed to you, what would you do?
-- I would look to see on which side _justice_ is.
-- And then?
-- I would seek to find where _utility_ was.
-- What next?
-- I would see whether they agreed, or were in conflict with one another.
-- And if you found they did not agree?
-- I would say to the King, take back your portfolio.
-- But suppose you see that _justice_ and _utility_ are one?
-- Then I will go straight ahead.
-- Very well, but to realize utility by justice, a third thing is necessary.
-- What is that?
-- Possibility.
-- You conceded that.
-- When?
-- Just now.
-- How?
-- By giving me the majority.
-- It seems to me that the concession was rather hazardous, for it implies that the majority clearly sees what is just, clearly sees what is useful, and clearly sees that these things are in perfect accord.
-- And if it sees this clearly, the good will, so to speak, do itself.
-- This is the point to which you are constantly bringing me--to see a possibility of reform only in the progress of the general intelligence.
-- By this progress all reform is infallible.
-- Certainly.

But this preliminary progress takes time.

Let us suppose it accomplished.

What will you do?
for I am eager to see you at work, doing, practicing.
-- I should begin by reducing letter postage to ten centimes.
-- I heard you speak of five, once.
-- Yes; but as I have other reforms in view, I must move with prudence, to avoid a deficit in the revenues.
-- Prudence?
This leaves you with a deficit of thirty millions.
-- Then I will reduce the salt tax to ten francs.
-- Good! Here is another deficit of thirty millions.

Doubtless you have invented some new tax.
-- Heaven forbid! Besides, I do not flatter myself that I have an inventive mind.
-- It is necessary, however.