Prior to the late war, all our revenue was raised from customs; and while the tariffs of 1846 and 1857 were designated "free trade tariffs," to distinguish them from those existing before and since, they were necessarily protective to a certain extent.
Again, it is said that there is need of diversifying our industry--- as though industry would not diversify itself sufficiently through the diverse tastes and predilections of individuals--as though it were necessary to supplement the work of the Creator in this behalf, by human enactments founded upon reciprocal rapine.

The only rational object of diversifying industry is to make people better and happier.

Do men and women become better and happier by being huddled together in mills and factories, in a stifling atmosphere, on scanty wages, ten hours each day and 313 days each year, than when cultivating our free and fertile lands?
Do they have equal opportunities for mental and moral improvement?
The trades-unions tell us, No.

Whatever may be the experience of other countries where the land is either owned by absentee lords, who take all the product except what is necessary to give the tenant a bare subsistence, or where it is cut up in parcels not larger than an American garden patch, it is an undeniable fact that no other class of American workingmen are so independent, so intelligent, so well provided with comforts and leisure, or so rapidly advancing in prosperity, as our agriculturists; and this notwithstanding they are enormously overtaxed to maintain other branches of industry, which, according to the protective theory, cannot support themselves.

The natural tendency of our people to flock to the cities, where their eyes and ears are gratified at the expense of their other senses, physical and moral, is sufficiently marked not to need the influence of legislation to stimulate it.
It is not the purpose of this preface to anticipate the admirable arguments of M.Bastiat; but there is another theory in vogue which deserves a moment's consideration.