[In the World War by Count Ottokar Czernin]@TWC D-Link book
In the World War

CHAPTER I
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How far the German invasion of Belgium can morally be extenuated owing to a French purpose to do likewise has still not been made clear--but this argument does not apply to Luxembourg, and the breach of right remains the same whether the country where it occurs be large or small.
The invasion of Belgium and Luxembourg was a stroke of the Bismarckian policy of violence, not carried out by politicians but by generals who were devoid of Bismarck's power of calculating the devastating consequences.
Later on, during the course of the war, the German Supreme Command made repeated use of violent means, which were more detrimental than useful to us, though subsequently these means were morally justifiable and comprehensible; in fact, were directly forced on us, seeing that Germany was fighting for her existence, and her adversaries, who would not come to an understanding, left her no choice of means.

The use of noxious gas, aerial attacks on open towns and the U-boat warfare were means used in desperation against a merciless enemy, who left women and children to die of starvation and declared day by day that Germany must be annihilated.
When war was declared, that murderous element was lacking, and it was only the entry into neutral territory that fostered an atmosphere of such terrible hatred and vengeance and stamped the struggle as a war of annihilation.
England's policy concerning Napoleon III.

was more of a diplomatic than a military nature, and everything tends to show that in the present case England originally had no intention of joining in the conflagration, but was content to see Germany weakened by her own confederates.
So far as I am in a position to review the situation no blame for the wrongly estimated English attitude can be attached to our ambassadors in London.

Their predictions and warnings were correct, and the final decision respecting the previously mentioned English ultimatum was taken in Berlin and not in London.

Moreover, the German Foreign Office would never voluntarily have consented to the acts of violence, but the military party, who cared neither for diplomatic reports nor political complications, carried everything before them.
It will always be particularly difficult in a war to define the limits of military and political spheres of action.


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