Nowhere in the conversation did he make any request of me.

Any one, overhearing it, might have supposed it to be a conversation between two men, with no object beyond expressing their views.

But, of course, he hoped and meant that I should, in my own way, make known to the President what he said.
He did not say that the President's good offices, when the time should come, would be unwelcome to him or to his government; and he meant, I am sure, to convey only the fear that by these assertions the President had planted an objection to his good offices in a large section of British opinion.
Among the conditions of peace that Sir Edward himself personally would like to see imposed (he had not yet discussed the subject with any of his colleagues in the Government) was this: that the German Government should agree to submit to an impartial (neutral) commission or court the question, Who began the war and who is responsible for it?
The German Chancellor and other high German officials have put it about and continue to put it about that England is responsible, and doubtless the German people at least believe it.

All the governments concerned must (this is his idea) submit to the tribunal all its documents and other evidence bearing on the subject; and of course the finding of the tribunal must be published.
Then he talked a good deal about the idea that lies behind the League for Enforcing Peace--in a sympathetic mood.

He went on to point out how such a league--with force behind it--would at any one of three stages have prevented this war--( 1) When England proposed a conference to France, Germany, Italy, and Russia, all agreed to it but Germany.
Germany alone prevented a discussion.