Some of these penalties had fallen into disuse; but, as Mr.Dunning stated to the English House of Commons, "many respectable Catholics still lived in fear of them, and some actually paid contributions to persons who, on the strength of this act, threatened them with prosecutions." Lord Shelburne stated in the House of Lords "that even the most odious part of this statute had been recently acted upon in the case of one Moloury, an Irish priest, who had been informed against, apprehended, convicted, and committed to prison, by means of the lowest and most despicable of mankind, a common informing constable.

The Privy Council used efforts in behalf of the prisoner; but, in consequence of the written law, the King himself could not give a pardon, and the prisoner must have died in jail if Lord Shelburne and his colleagues had not released him at their own risk."' This law was repealed by the English House of Commons without a negative, and only one Bishop opposed its repeal in the House of Lords.
Having won this victory, the Irish patriots continued their campaign, and now sought to win general emancipation from the legislative and commercial restrictions of England.

It was in 1781 that the first convention of volunteer delegates met, and some months after Mr.Grattan moved an address to the throne asserting the legislative independence of Ireland.

'The address passed; the repeal of a certain act, empowering England to legislate for Ireland, followed; and the legislative independence of this country was acknowledged.' Edgeworth sympathised with the enthusiasm which prevailed throughout Ireland at this time; but he was shrewd enough to see that what was further required for the real benefit of the country was 'an effectual reformation of the Irish House of Commons.' The counties were insufficiently represented, and the boroughs were venal.

The Irish parliament was, in fact, an Oligarchy, and Edgeworth realised this danger.