You have met, mobbed, rabbled, and thrown dirt at one another, but election by mob is no more free election than Oliver's election by a standing army.

Parliaments and rabbles are contrary things." Yet he had hopes of the gentlemen who had been thus chosen.
"I have it upon many good grounds, as I think I told you, that there are some people who are shortly to come together, of whose character, let the people that send them up think what they will, when they come thither they will not run the mad length that is expected of them; they will act upon the Revolution principle, keep within the circle of the law, proceed with temper, moderation, and justice, to support the same interest we have all carried on--and this I call being Whiggish, or acting as Whigs." "I shall not trouble you with further examining why they will be so, or why they will act thus; I think it is so plain from the necessity of the Constitution and the circumstances of things before them, that it needs no further demonstration--they will be Whigs, they must be Whigs; there is no remedy, for the Constitution is a Whig." The new members of Parliament must either be Whigs or traitors, for everybody who favours the Protestant succession is a Whig, and everybody who does not is a traitor.

Defoe used the same ingenuity in playing upon words in his arguments in support of the public credit.

Every true Whig, he argued, in the _Review_ and in separate essays, was bound to uphold the public credit, for to permit it to be impaired was the surest way to let in the Pretender.

The Whigs were accused of withdrawing their money from the public stocks, to mark their distrust of the Government.
"Nonsense!" Defoe said, "in that case they would not be Whigs." Naturally enough, as the _Review_ now practically supported a Ministry in which extreme Tories had the predominance, he was upbraided for having gone over to that party.