The municipal authorities generally notice the wheels attached to the new cottage, and therefore do not fall into the error.

The gipsy may halt in a particular parish, but he is not as a rule immediately made a parish councillor.
The cases in which a travelling tinker has been suddenly made the mayor of an important industrial town must be comparatively rare.
And if the poor vagabonds of the Romany blood are bullied by mayors and magistrates, kicked off the land by landlords, pursued by policemen and generally knocked about from pillar to post, nobody raises an outcry that _they_ are the victims of religious persecution; nobody summons meetings in public halls, collects subscriptions or sends petitions to parliament; nobody threatens anybody else with the organised indignation of the gipsies all over the world.
The case of the Jew in the nation is very different from that of the tinker in the town.

The moral elements that can be appealed to are of a very different style and scale.
No gipsies are millionaires.
In short, the Jewish problem differs from anything like the gipsy problem in two highly practical respects.

First, the Jews already exercise colossal cosmopolitan financial power.

And second, the modern societies they live in also grant them vital forms of national political power.